By Christy M. Buchanan
When their mom and dad divorce, a few youngsters falter and others thrive. This ebook asks why. Is it the custody association? A parent's new associate? Conflicts or consistency among the 2 families? Adolescents after Divorce follows youngsters from 1,100 divorcing households to find what makes the adaptation. targeting a interval starting 4 years after the divorce, the authors have the articulate, usually insightful support in their topics in exploring the altered stipulations in their lives.
These little ones come from a variety of backgrounds. a few are functioning good. a few are faring poorly. The authors learn the whole number of events within which those teenagers locate themselves as soon as the preliminary disruption has passed--whether mom and dad remarry or repartner, how mom and dad relate to one another and to their youngsters, and the way existence in houses is built-in. yes findings emerge--for example, we see that remarried new companions have been larger approved than cohabiting new companions. And whilst mom and dad' kin are amicable, youngsters in twin custody are much less most probably than different youngsters to adventure loyalty conflicts. The authors additionally give some thought to the consequences of visitation preparations, the calls for made and the objectives set inside of every one domestic, and the emotional closeness of the residential mother or father to the child.
A gold mine of data on a subject matter that touches such a lot of americans, this research could be an important for researchers, counselors, attorneys, judges, and parents.
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Additional info for Adolescents after Divorce
Households differ with respect to the amount of structure they provide for their adolescent children. In some households, there are regular routines for activities like meals, chores, bedtimes, or television watching, and adolescents are expected to conform to-and participate in-the family routines. In other households, adolescents have much more autonomy and can function fairly independently of the activities of other household members. In addition, some parents insist on being involved in decisions concerning their children's lives (how they spend their money, where they can go after school, when they must be home); other parents leave such decisions up to the child.
1 shows that, in families with adolescent children, the educational advantage of dual-resident families remains. Both mothers and fathers in families that were maintaining dual residence at Time 4 had higher levels of education than did their sole-resident counterparts. Mothers' education was higher in dualresident families than in mother-resident ones, and lowest of all among families in which the children lived with their fathers. The education of fathers in dual residence was higher than that of fathers in either soleresident arrangement.
Seventeen percent of mothers and only 3 percent of fathers were working less than full time, and twice as many fathers (55 percent) as mothers were working long hours-forty-five or more hours per week. The employed fathers of the children in our sample had much higher annual earnings than the employed mothers. Although 50 percent of the employed fathers were earning $40,000 per year or more, only 7 percent of the employed mothers were earning that much. And although the 28 CONCEPTS AND METHODS majority of fathers paid child support when the children were living with the mothers, the amounts paid made up only a small fraction of the income differential (Maccoby and Mnookin, 1992).